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HOW ROOSEVELT STOPPED 
THE WAR 



BY 



CHARLES S. MILLER 




Copyrighted, Msy, 1916. by Charles S. Miller. Woodstock. N. Y. 



Copies may be obtained ty remitting 10 cents apiece to 

CHARLES S. MILLER 
WOODSTOCK, ULSTER COUNTY, N. Y. 



M -7 1915 



'CI,A4;jJ404 



■ Ms 



How Roosevelt Stopped tke War. 



CHAPTER I. 

On March ist, 19 17, the great war had reached a condition 
that seemed hopeless. The world's prominent men had become 
silent, after having been led at various times during 1916 into 
either having become false prophets of peace or having proposed 
some remedy that no one paid any attention to. 

Military operations in 19 16 had achieved no results, excepting 
to kill all hope of either side overcoming the other. Germany's 
capture of Verdun had been at such a cost that none of its mili- 
tary writers had pointed to it, as proof of their ability to over- 
come the numerous defenses of the French between Verdun and 
Paris. Any hope of exhausting the French numerically had been 
lost in the constant arrivals of Russian troops at Marseilles. The 
English had taken over still more of the French line, had in 
course of many months forced back the Germans at a rate that, if 
kept up, would land them in Berlin in the year 1942. At other 
fronts the game of give and take showed no signs of any ending. 

Germany had shown such ability in systematizing its food 
supply problem that the grumbling of its populace, after becom- 
ing accustomed to certain daily privations, had practically ceased. 
It had given no chance to the Allies to make any creditable calcu- 
lations, as to for how many years it could continue to avoid 
starvation. 

Financially the belligerents appeared to be steadily tending 
towards the conditions of Mexico, which had apparently ceased 
to bother about finances, but cheerfully kept on fighting just the 
same. America had bought back nearly all of the American 
securties owned in Europe before the war, and, under the influ- 
ence of her new and successful banking enterprises in South 
America had begvm to purchase in large amounts and at bargain 
pi ices some of the choicest of Europe's South American invest- 
ments. America had shown a decided preference for these over 
Allied bonds, which had been on a steady decline for months. It 
was for the buyer to choose, and Europe to sell that which was 
saleable. 

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The monthly losses on both sides had risen on an average of 
50 per cent, over corresponding periods of 19 16, owing largely 
to increase in efficiency and volume of the artillery fire. 

All of this had caused a year of very great change in the 
minds of men. Optimism born of the excitement of war had 
gradually yielded to gloom. Prophets of evil were listened to 
more eagerly than those who had erred too many times in pre- 
dicting victories and peace. That the world was facing a cata- 
clysm rather than a catastrophe had become a common thought, 
and comparison was made with the probable feelings of the people 
of the time of the flood of Biblical times, who from the mountain 
sides watched the daily lise of the deepening waters. 

CHAPTER II. 
In the United States prosperity, fortified by the abundant 
crops of 1916, had continued. Roosevelt had been elected as 
President, and since that event had preferred the haunts of beasts 
to those of men, had buried himself in the woods in midwinter 
and had maintained a most remarkable silence. An ominous 
silence it seemed to many, with the eyes of the world wearily 
turned towards him as each day this man, who loved deeds better 
than precedents, who led his people better than he listened to 
them, closer to that seat of power that was greater now than that 
of any ruler in the world, the Presidency of the United States. 

CHAPTER III. 

At noon on March 4, 19 17, Theodore Roosevelt became chief 
ruler of the world's greatest republic. 

His inaugural address was about what was expected until 
he came to its closing clause, which, to the amazement of his 
hearers and of the country and the world, read as follows : 

"So far as power is given me it will be my determined 
intention to sever within the present year diplomatic 
consular and trade relations with all foreign countries 
that are not now or may not in the meantime become 
republics." 

Immediately after the close of his address it was given out to 
the press that on February i, Roosevelt had written personally 
to all United States ambassadors and ministers in the foreign 
lands as follows, accompanied by a request that the letter should 
not be opened before March 4, 1917. It read as follows: 

"That you may have better opportunity to understand instruc- 
tions that you may receive after March 4, 1917, I am writing below 

4 



a brief explanation of the following paragraph that will close the 
address that I hope to deliver on March 4, 1917: 

" 'So far as power is given me, it will be my determined in- 
tention to sever within the present year diplomatic consular and 
trade relations with all foreign countries that are not now or may 
not in the meantime become republics.' 

"The ideals of the United States are sufficiently set forth in 
the Declaration of Independence of July 4, 1776. 

"Since that date many republics have come into being. All 
of this continent south of Canada is governed by citizens elected 
by citizens. 

"France, Portugal and Switzerland are republics. 

"That such form of government is possible to any race has 
been proven by nearly a century and a half of experience. 

"Internationally during this period war has occurred between 
monarchies and between republics and monarchies, but between 
republics very rarely. The reasons for this I will not attempt 
at this time to describe. 

"Owing to the Great War, the major conditions prevailing 
throughout the world are without precedent. Nations useful to 
themselves and to mankind are destroying each other so success- 
fully that we face the possibility of a cataclysm to follow this 
catastrophe. Remedies founded upon precedent have failed. It 
is timely to consider a remedy without precedent, and to act 
quickly rather than to consider too long, remembering one day 
saved to peace, at the end means thousands of lives. 

"America has welcomed the birth of every new republic. 
Within the present year, if I have the power, America will demand 
the death of all monarchies, and complete its service to the world. 

"By a policy that will be always true to the ideals of America 
I expect through peaceful yet forceful means to bring this war 
to an end within the present year. 

"Yours truly, 

"Theodore Roosevelt." 

CHAPTER IV. 
On March 5, 19 17, Roosevelt dismissed the Turkish embassy 
in a few words, explaining that it was no longer a republic and 
an example was important for the new policy. 

The effect of all this upon the world was beyond description. 
Amazement, misunderstanding, wild approvals of hope, suspicions 
of a presumed madman, all blended together in one confused note. 

5 



United States Senator Elihu Root had arrived in London on 
March 3, and on the following morning had informed the press 
that he was there as the personal representative of President 
Roosevelt, and had an engagement to meet Lord Grey and the 
French minister that afternoon. 

Root began by telling Grey that Roosevelt's idea was simple 
and practicable. That Roosevelt believed that peace could only 
be had with a German republic. That to bring about a republic 
in Germany, example was most important, and enough large repub- 
lics to make the new idea of boycotting all nations not republics, 
an irresistible weapon, that m time would bring even Japan into 
the sisterhood of republics. Root argued that republics had 
rarely made war upon each other. And he told him more of 
Roosevelt's ideas that were not made public. 

Gray believed it inipossil^le to consider it for England. But 
Root argued that England's assent made the plan at once possible, 
and even probable, and that it insm-ed beyond question England's 
great object of the war — the end of German militarism. 

The apparent fact that the L^nited States would sever rela- 
tions with England if she failed to assent was not alluded to. 
Space forbids description of the turmoil in England. Briefly, just 
as a Republican party had begun to take shape, the Minister of 
France asked audience of the king, and the presence of the British 
Cabinet. Then occurred that greatest up to that time of all his- 
toric occasions. The French minister told the King that France, 
who would not sue for peace to an enemy, was now on her knees 
before her great ally, and in the name of the women of France, 
her old men and her children, for there was not much left of her 
manhood, prayed the English King to make this noble sacrifice, 
assuring to himself and to his heirs the gratitude of the world 
for centuries to come. 

In the presence of the silent Russian minister, whom the 
b^renchman had asked to accompany him, he pledged the prayers 
of France that God should bring to the Russian Czar this new 
understanding of the need of the world. 

The King, overcome by emotion, looked into the faces of his 
ministers and there read the doom of monarchy. He called Earl 
Grey to his side, and told him of his wishes and that he wished 
to avoid losing a minute of such intensely valuable time. Grey 
agreed that a decision was timely then and there, and, descending 
from his throne, the King advanced to the French minister, 
grasped both his hands, and assured him that he would sign the 
abdication before he left the chamber. 



CHAPTER V. 

Upon news of this, America immediately recalled her min- 
isters from Austria and Russia. It was secretly explained to 
Russia by France that it was important to Roosevelt's policy to 
enforce it vigorously, and with impartiality. 

The ministers at Washington of the two countries received 
at the same time their passports, and no other explanation was 
offered than that they did not represent republics. 

America then issued a stirring appeal to all republics to help 
the cause by similar action. Brazil immediately responded by 
dismissing the Russian and Central Powers' embassies, and the 
rest of the republics took similar action. 

Not since August. 19 14, the beginning of the war, were events 
so crowded together. The public mind was suddenly plunged 
after months of gloom and despair, into wild hopes of liberty and 
peace. Democracy became a mania, any effort to check which 
only suggested revolution. 

Greece forced the issue quickly by a revolution, and the royal 
family escaped on a British warship. 

Holland's Queen abdicated one week after the English King, 
and was elected Provisional President, which was later confirmed 
by a popular election, to the delight of the suffragists of England 
and America. 

The King of Sweden was, vm fortunately, assassinated by an 
insane socialist, and was succeeded by a republic. 

Nothing happened in Russia at first, and England and France 
naturally avoided any suggestion of severing relations with their 
great ally. 

CHAPTER \T. 

In the meantime the German censor had endeavored to keep 
out all news of these events. But it was too important, and crept 
c'cross the borders, yet the effect was such that the Kaiser ordered 
the censorship removed. Then began the last exhibtion of 
Teutonic rage and loyalty to the Kaiser that the world was ever 
to witness. Germany's answer was to launch the long-prepared 
bolt against England. Simultaneously the German fleet gave 
battle, seventy-eight Zeppelins flew to England, and the drive 
towards Calais began. By skilful work of its submarines, the 
l)reponderance of the British fleet was so nearly overcome that 
when the last German warship disappeared under the waters, there 
was scarcely a half-dozen British ships afloat to claim the victory. 

7 



The Zeppelin raid killed over 3000 people in London, and caused 
most destructive fires. The German army pressed the British 
hack to the very gates of Calais before they became exhausted 
in front of a small but fresh body of English only that day landed 
from the transports. Had the British had at that moment 10,000 
cavalry left, they could have ridden 100 miles towards Berlin, so 
completely had the Germans exhausted their reserves. 

At this juncture every American minister was ordered to 
press hard for an armistice, and both sides were glad to agree. 

At the Peace Conference Germany proposed, her fleet gone 
and her armies unable to follow up her victories, and her food 
problem desperate, though well concealed, to retire to her bound- 
aries as before the war, paying nor receiving no indemnity. The 
Alsace and Lorraine question arose and it was settled that elec- 
tions in those states should decide whether they were to belong 
to Germany or to France. Germany losing was to receive a 
certain indemnity from France. 

When discussion of resumption of diplomatic and consular 
relations was reached, Germany was informed that it was now 
the fixed intention of America, England, France and Portugal to 
have no such relations with any country not a republic, and that 
most of the South American republics had signified a similar 
intention. The four European republics represented at the confer- 
ence furthermore announced that they had on that day, for the 
sole purpose of showing their intent, withdrawn their ministers 
from Spain, a neutral nation. 

The Central Powers immediately withdrew, and the confer- 
ence broke up, but not until an agreement to extend the armistice 
lor ten days more was reached. 

Russia was left in an embarrassing position, and sought a 
private conference between Czar and Kaiser. There the Czar 
oiTered to sacrifice the throne if the Kaiser would, but the Kaiser 
refused. 

In the meantime, a great cry for peace arose in Germany, and 
c:igain the conference convened. A compromise was reached by 
which diplomatic relations were agreed upon, to last for a fixed 
and unchangeable period of three months only. 

Back to Berlin marched what was left of the glorious Ger- 
man legions, with the proud boast that no enemy had stepped foot 
on German soil. 

CHAPTER VH. 
After that matters rapidly subsided to a saner basis. When 
Germany began to realize that with an enormous debt they could 



not trade outside of Austria and Turkey great dissatisfaction 
arose. At the same time to have another chance to win the 
world's trade supremacy, offsetting the war burden by no cost 
of building up and maintaining another army and navy, looked 
very alluring. The Kaiser, at heart a patriot above all things, 
one day saw a great light. "England wants her boast that she 
killed the militarism of Germany, and Germany wants her place 
in the sun. They shall both have their wish," quoth the Kaiser, 
"and from now on the best man wins." And he smiled as he 
thought of the future of Germany with no armament to main- 
tain, and the world open for her trade without fear of war. 

And so it happened in the world, as it always had in every 
little hamlet, every city, every State, every nation, that the best 
man won at the game of commerce. And Germany, keen at com- 
petition, caused every other nation to greatly increase its efficiency, 
to the end that the cost of living gradually fell all over the world. 
And in time to come it was said that the greatest boon that came 
out of the Great War, was the results that sprang from those two 
years of intensive study of food distribution and prevention of 
waste, that was forced upon the German nation. 

Without having told any one of his design, the Kaiser walked 
into the Reichstag and handed a roll to its president, announcing 
verbally that it contained his abdication in favor of a republic. 
The whole Reichstag was on its feet in protest, but the Kaiser 
waived them down and told them that his step was irrevocable. 
"Yet," he continued, "if I may make your path easier, and, which 
is most important, speedier, I will first lay upon you my last com- 
mands, even going beyond my rights as a sovereign to do so." 
Turning to the SociaHst leader, he commanded him to make the 
necessary resolution to declare a republic, and when the motion 
was seconded by the leader of the opposition, also by command 
of the Kaiser, he raised his hand and commanded every member 
to vote aye upon the resolution. Before he could leave the cham- 
ber he was elected Provisional President, with full powers over all 
foreign relations, including the right to make war. 

The next day Roosevelt gave out that no relations would be 
had by the United States with any republic whose Constitution 
did not provide that war could only be declared by vote of the 
legislative body. Germany corrected her position at once. 

CHAPTER VIIL 
The Russian Czar immediately abdicated, as well as the Aus- 
trian Emperor. In Turkey a revolution occurred, and the Sultan 

9 



was poisoned out of respect to ancient custom when a government 
changed in Turkey. 

Italy had already fallen into line, and the Balkan States soon 
followed. The positive assurance of trade isolation rapidly 
silenced the opposition to those desirous of democracy for itself. 

Peace had come, and decrease of the enormous armies natur- 
ally began under dire economic pressure. Presently all nations 
saw that the future need of great armament was remote. Par- 
ticularly after study of results of a declaration of war by Mexico 
against the United States, that occurred in August, 1917, as the 
result of another raid by Villa and another pursuit. 

Roosevelt instantly ordered United States troops to leave 
Mexico, to the astonishment of the world. As soon as they were 
safely over the border, after lighting their way out, the republics 
of Germany, England and France, at the instigation of the United 
States, declared that if either nation invaded the soil of the other 
it would be, from that day until peace was declared, boycotted 
by all republics, as the act of severing relations had come to be 
called. Upon crossing the border, the Americans retired about 
twenty miles further. Ignoring the boycott, the Mexicans, fully 
confident that they were pursuing a cowardly enemy, poured over 
the border and found the enemy in one day, and also made a time 
record for a twenty-mile retreat, the few survivors surrendering 
at the Rio Grande. In the meantime, owing to the activity of 
German, French and English embassies in all other countries, 
Mexico City was deluged with boycotts of all republics, including 
those of South America. The Americans in the meantime, care- 
fully avoided any pretense of crossing the Rio Grande. Mexico 
remained obdurate for a month, but there was no fighting, as her 
armies dared not again cross the boundary. She was forced to 
sue for peace. Then it was shown to the world that the republic 
that had not gone upon enemy soil during the war, held the power 
to demand an enormous indemnity from the republic that had 
assumed the offensive, because of the fact that the offensive na- 
tion had to remain under the international boycott until peace was 
declared, while the defensive nation was under no boycott. 
Roosevelt demanded an indemnity, but refused to name the 
amount, forcing Mexico to make oft"ers. This she was absolutely 
obliged to do, and each bid was refused until a sum of $100,- 
000,000 was offered, whereupon Roosevelt accepted half that 
amount and peace was declared, and the boycott lifted from 
Mexico by all other nations. 

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CHAPTER IX. 
International consideration of this affair took the last prop 
from Preparedness everywhere. It was seen that had this prin- 
ciple been in force when Austria struck at Servia in 19 14, Russia 
would have merely counseled Servia not to resist, and called upon 
Germany and all Europe to boycott Austria. Germany would 
not have struck, for Russia would not have mobilized her army. 
And Germany would have boycotted Austria, because the principle 
involved would have been too valuable for Germany's future 
defense. All of which spells, of course, that Austria never would 
have struck at Servia, and also that there would not have been 
any assassination of a crown prince and princess in Servia, be- 
cause there would have been no such personages in a republic. 

It came to pass that no international agreements were neces- 
sary. A few of the larger republics would agree on a boycott 
that was evidently for the good of the world in principle, and 
notify all other republics to follow their example. By reason 
of self-interest looking to their own defense in some future com- 
plication, and because any refusing was liable to a boycott for 
refusing, all naturally followed the leaders. 

In 1918 a bill was introduced into the British Congress for 
an increase in England's navy, greatly reduced by the war. She 
was immediately notified by America, Germany, France and 
Russia that the day the bill passed she would be boycotted. 

A great international joke on Uncle Sam occurred soon after 
the Mexican affair, that caused no less merriment in America 
than elsewhere, and served, as a good laugh often does, to make 
the victim even more popular than before. 

An American citizen was arrested in Chili, charged with 
conspiracy with some Chilians who were fomenting a revolution. 
The American minister, a personal friend of the prisoner, de- 
manded his immediate release. Pie was tried and was sentenced 
to ten years' imprisonment. Washington energetically backed up 
its minister, and demanded that the case be taken to the Hague 
Tribunal, threatening boycott if not agreed to. Any nation refus- 
ing to submit to the Hague Tribunal was then subject to boycott. 
Chili assented and released the prisoner under condition that he 
was to remain in the custody of the United States, to be returned 
to Chih if the case were decided in her favor. If United State"? 
failed to return the prisoner for any reason $ioo,ocx3 was to be 
paid to Chili. The prisoner escaped his guards at a Peruvian 
port on the trip north and was never heard of afterwards. When 
the case was heard at the Hague Chili won, and Uncle Sam had 

11 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



021 547 884 

all the court costs to pay for both sides, and $100,000 to Chili 
for not returning the prisoner. The American minister to Chili 
was soon after recalled, with the explanation that the Government 
needed a more careful and less expensive representative, and the 
diplomatic profession all ovei the world took notice. 



1 



CHAPTER X. 

In these pages the writer has endeavored to show how the 
Great War could be ended and become a boon to the future. 
This is America's opportunity to bring the whole v/orld under the 
influence of American ideals. It will be said to be a dream, but 
its possibilities of being real can be narrowed down to one defi- 
nite point. Would England assent? With England's favorable 
action the whole scheme becomes instantly possible or probable. 
Why might England assent? 

1. Because she has little to sacrifice, being nearly a democ- 
racy now, 

2. Because of the terrible stress she is now under. 

3. Because she would see a surety of abolishing in Europe 
for all future time the militarism of Germany. 

4. That England would have the credit in history of making 
the step that caused the death of German militarism. 

Because, assuming conditions in March, 1917, to be as fore- 
cast in the first chapter, there would practically be nothing else 
to do, in view of the fact, that if she refused Roosevelt would 
surely boycott her, which would starve her into subjection in two 
weeks. 

The writer has jumbled together a lot of assumed events, in 
the attempt to give enough dramatic interest to insure a reading, 
and has touched upon only a few of the main obstacles. But a 
new and untried solution of the terrible problem is presented in 
hopes that the main idea may be worked out by wiser heads than 
his. 

The reader may insert any one he desires as President of the 
United States in March, 1917. The name of Roosevelt is used 
because he is willing to ignore precedents when faced by new 
conditions and because he possesses the necessary courage and 
ability to act quickly. It is unnecessary to add that up to date / 
of publication he had never read or heard of it. 

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